Fifth columns have appeared in countries around the world for centuries.

The term refers to groups accused of working with hostile countries to damage the population or government of their home country. These accusations create doubt about the loyalty and belonging of targeted populations, which can lead to human rights abuses, political repression and even ethnic cleansing.

A new book co-edited by , associate professor in the 91探花 Jackson School of International Studies, gathered scholars from multiple disciplines to write original papers on the roots and implications of the politics surrounding real and imagined fifth columns. Those scholars presented their papers at a workshop sponsored by the in 2019.

was co-edited by Radnitz and , associate professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University. Both also wrote chapters.

91探花News sat down with Radnitz to discuss the book, which will be available on July 15 from Oxford University Press.

Q: Can you explain what fifth column means, particularly as it relates to this book?

SR: We鈥檙e defining fifth column politics as the rhetoric, policies, or mobilization about these 鈥渆nemies within.鈥� What they have in common is the claim that some group 鈥� usually it鈥檚 an ethnic minority group or a disliked or marginalized community that people are suspicious of 鈥� is secretly working against the interests of the nation or the state. This can be a volatile thing. It can generate massive resistance against the group. It could lead to persecution and further discrimination because this group is already vulnerable. They don鈥檛 usually have protection from the state.

There are some real fifth columns 鈥� groups inside that are secretly working for other countries from the outside. But what we鈥檙e studying is the phenomenon of claims about fifth columns, which is probably more common than the reality of them.

Q: The chapter you wrote is titled 鈥淣o Collusion! Or is There? Presidents as Puppets in Russia and the United States.鈥� What鈥檚 the focus of this paper?

SR: The archetypal fifth column is a vulnerable minority group. This is when powerful people exploit the fact that one group is marginalized in order to further increase their power. We label that a subversive claim, which describes anti-state activity from below. Another form of fifth column accusation is what we call a collusive claim, which involves people in power who are secretly doing the bidding of outside countries. This probably occurs less often, but there are still a few important, prominent cases like the ones identified in this chapter.

Americans will be familiar with the accusation 鈥� and some people think the reality 鈥� that Donald Trump was an asset of the Kremlin. This is a claim about a fifth column. The claim was Trump is American, but he鈥檚 secretly working for Russia by adopting policies that work in the interests of Russia against the American national interest and by undermining democracy and stability in the United States.

Why? According to people who believe this, Russia was controlling him because they had compromising material, or they were blackmailing him. This kind of fifth-column accusation has different dynamics than claims about subversive activity because the accusers are people from below or the opposing political party and the accused is the head of the state. In this chapter, that鈥檚 Trump or former Russian President Boris Yeltsin, who was accused by his Communist opponents of serving the interests of the U.S. at the expense of Russia in the 1990s.

Q: What are other examples of fifth columns?

SR: There is a sordid history of fifth column accusations in the United States. A classic case is the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. They were accused of working with Japan, which was the sworn enemy of the United States. There was actually very, very little evidence that Japanese Americans were working with Japan. Even if there was a small number of people who did, it certainly wouldn鈥檛 justify rounding up the entire Japanese American population and putting them into concentration camps.

There is this strain of thinking 鈥� even in democracies 鈥� that people who are different, who look different, who speak a different language and are not well integrated into society are always going to be vulnerable to the accusation that they may not be true patriots. Today we hear this accusation across democracies, including the United States, questioning whether people are truly loyal to the nation. If you鈥檙e not, then that means you鈥檙e subject to various kinds of exclusion, harassment, discrimination and persecution.

Democracies are not immune to fifth-column politics. If geopolitical rivalries lead some states to fear threats from other countries and that those countries might try to use internal populations to gain some leverage, those dynamics will heat up. In fact, the number of fifth-column claims is probably on the upswing with the rise of ethnonationalism and populism across the world in democracies and autocracies alike. I hope the book will start some conversations and stimulate a research agenda on this topic.

For more information, contact Radnitz at srad@uw.edu.

Radnitz is an associate professor in the Jackson School of International Studies. His book, “,” was published this month by Oxford University Press. His first book,听, was published by Cornell University Press in 2010.

“Revealing Schemes” explores “causes, consequences and contradictions” from a collection of 1,500 conspiracy claims from a dozen countries in the post-Soviet region from 1995 to 2014, as well as national surveys and focus groups.

“My book looks at how politicians use conspiracy theories,” Radnitz said. “While people tend to associate the use of conspiratorial rhetoric with dictators 鈥� who seek to dominate, distract or otherwise manipulate their citizens 鈥� one of my main findings is that conspiracy theories (or claims, more precisely) emerge in the course of political competition.

“In other words, they come in handy to rulers whose power is in some doubt, rather than those who enjoy unrivaled control. I argue that incumbent leaders deploy conspiracy claims to send signals about their knowledge and power, and to pre-empt future threats.

“For this reason, rulers also frame as conspiracies certain kinds of events that threaten their power: mass protests, challenges to sovereignty, or militant or terrorist violence 鈥� all of which are visible and palpable challenges to authority.”

91探花News: Who believes conspiracy theories, and why?

S.R.: In the U.S. and other Western countries, conspiracy theories are popularly believed 鈥� according to some studies, by half the population. Yet they did not enter into mainstream politics 鈥� until recently 鈥� for two reasons: first, these democracies developed together with, and thanks to, civil society watchdogs and knowledge-producing institutions that held politicians in check.

And second, conspiracy theories have long had a pejorative connotation, such that politicians who endorsed them would be stigmatized and not taken seriously. It鈥檚 evident now that neither condition holds as they once did.

Independent institutions are coming under attack by illiberal forces within democracies, making it easier to get away with political lies and disinformation. And certain politicians 鈥� and here, I don鈥檛 think I need to mention a particular master of the craft 鈥� thrive on conspiracy theories. Such rhetoric is not only not shunned by their followers; instead it is rewarded electorally and used to amass power and money.

Needless to say, this development should concern citizens who value the quality of democracy and prefer leaders who are accountable and responsive to their needs.

There are news reports that Russia, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia all have recently pushed QAnon narratives as part of disinformation campaigns aimed at the United States. Is this a new phenomenon? What are their goals?听

S.R.: The conspiracy theories thriving in the United States just now, mostly on the political right, are highly politicized and vicious. Once people are as divided and vulnerable as we are, it鈥檚 easy for political opportunists, whether here or abroad, to play their hand at exacerbating anger and distrust.

For countries seeking to advance their geopolitical interests, different kinds of propaganda work at different times. For example, during the Cold War, the U.S. government sought to advertise the American way of life as a way to turn people in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe against their governments, which was highly effective.

Today, stoking distrust in American elections, or making people afraid of getting vaccinated, or more generally, encouraging Americans to hate each other, appears to be an effective tactic for U.S. adversaries, and it’s cheap and easy to do through social media.

But it’s important to keep in mind that as much Russia or Iran has sought to degrade American political discourse, it is Americans themselves who bear the brunt of responsibility for this dismal state of affairs. And it鈥檚 here that the problem needs to be fixed.

For more information, contact Radnitz at srad@uw.edu.

听

Faculty at the UW’s and will explore these issues in a series of public lectures and discussions through spring quarter.

The series “” will be moderated by , professor and director of the Jackson School.

The lectures will be held Tuesdays from 4:30 to 6 p.m. in Room 220 of Kane Hall, starting March 27, and all are open to the public. For students, the series is a 2-credit lecture class.

The lectures are as follows:

March 27: Japan, with .
April 3: Two Koreas, with .
April 10: Indo-Pacific strategy challenges, with .
April 17: Migration, with .
April 24: Global energy challenges, with .
May 1: Online disinformation, with .
May 8: Israel/Palestine, with .
May 15: The European Union, with .
May 22: Putin and Russia, with .
May 29: The Kurds, and a general discussion with Kasaba.

All the speakers are faculty members in the Jackson School except Starbird, who is a professor of human centered design and engineering.

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For more information about the series, call 206-543-6001 or write to jsisadv@uw.edu.

Faculty with the 91探花 will explore the impact of the 2016 election on their respective areas of expertise in a weekly lecture class for students titled “Trump in the World: International Implications of the Trump Presidency.”

Each week, faculty members will explore perspectives from Europe, Asia, Mexico and Russia as well as questions of human rights, international cooperation and migration.

“Two months in, it is clear that Trump administration represents a radical departure in how the United States approaches foreign policy. Given the size and the power of the U.S., these changes are having significant effects in the lives of the people all around the world,” said Jackson School Director , whose May 10 lecture will be on Turkey and the Middle East, and who will conclude the series with a final discussion on May 31.

“In this lecture series the Jackson School faculty will provide a historical context to the rise of 听Trump and discuss听how the Trump administration is altering 听global priorities and affecting different parts of the world. ”

The lectures will be held from 4:30 to 6 p.m. Wednesdays in Room 110 of Kane Hall.

The schedule is as follows:

March 29: The Global Context, with , professor of international studies.

April 5: Authoritarian Trends from the Past to the Present, with , associate professor of international studies and history.

April 12: Asia, with , professor of international studies.

April 19: Mexico, with , assistant professor of international studies.

April 26: Europe, with visiting EU Fellow and , associate professor of international studies.

May 3: Russia, with , associate professor of international studies.

May 10: Human Rights in Latin America, with , professor of international studies.

May 17: Turkey and the Middle East, with Re艧at Kasaba, professor and Jackson School director.

May 24: Migration, with , associate professor of international studies.

May 31: Final discussion, with Kasaba.

Two credits are available for students who register and attend regularly.

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For more information or to arrange interviews, contact Monique Thormann, Jackson School director of communications, at 206-685-0578 or thormm@uw.edu.

Several faculty members in the 91探花 reviewed their areas of expertise 鈥� China, Russia, Europe, the Middle East and immigration 鈥� in light of this new geopolitical reality. Their comments are below.

These faculty members also will participate in a public panel discussion, “Trump and the World” at 7 p.m. Monday, Nov. 28, in Room 210 of Kane Hall. You can learn more .

U.S.-China relations uncertain; promised tariffs could spark trade war

By , Henry M. Jackson Professor of International Studies

Donald Trump’s election creates great uncertainty in U.S.-China relations.听 If he follows through on campaign statements, and imposes 45 percent tariffs on Chinese imports to the U.S., it will be met with Chinese retaliation and a trade war.听This will affect Boeing, Costco and the ports of Seattle and Tacoma from a local perspective.

Trump also promises a military buildup and expanded defense spending, but no clear strategy has been provided.听People said to be his Asia/China advisers are taking a very harsh line toward China, yet Trump and China’s President Xi Jinping seem to have had a cordial phone conversation.听The likely result of all this is pressure and confrontation on trade and cyber issues and splits between incoming administration officials about China policy.听Human rights will not figure prominently in Trump’s administration.

Syrian catastrophe breeds nationalism, danger of “major clashes”

By , Jackson School director, Stanley D. Golub Chair of International Studies

A听liberal, democratic and internationalist order was built in the west in the aftermath of the Second World War under the leadership of the United States. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the emergence of the European Union as a united economic and political unit appeared to be major accomplishments of the rise of such an order.听It seems, however, that this order failed to protect those who did not have the skills or the resources to benefit from it.

It became increasingly clear also that the U.S. and the EU were powerless in the face of the humanitarian catastrophe in Syria. The instinct to insulate the west from the effects of such conflicts and the anger of those who were marginalized are combining to create a powerful wave of extreme nationalism and xenophobia in country after country. Trump’s victory is the latest example of this trend.

Effective and inclusive policies will have to be put in place to protect, retrain and integrate those who are cast aside by globalization. Only with such policies can liberal internationalism regain its upper hand.

Otherwise, liberalism will find itself pushed further away from power for a very long time. In its place a world consisting of mutually antagonistic and competitive states will arise. 听Such a scenario will eventually lead to major clashes that will听be catastrophic for humanity.

Deportations could extract tragic cost

By , associate professor

If president-elect Donald Trump imprisons or deports up to 3 million undocumented immigrants, as he has pledged to do upon taking office, he will be busting up hardworking, taxpaying families.

If he kills DACA (Deferred Action to Childhood Arrivals), an executive action that provides temporary work permits and relief from deportation to about 800,000 young adults who were brought to the U.S. as children and who grew up American, he will be shattering the futures of our students.

Instead, the majority of Americans want to see the government provide a path to legalization, and are pledging to protect and provide sanctuary for our neighbors and friends.

Clean foreign policy slate, but U.S., Russia may yet clash

By , associate professor, director of

Trump is as close to a clean slate on foreign policy as one can imagine a new U.S. president could be. Perhaps the area on which Trump shed the most light in his thinking is Russia. Trump and Putin were unusually complimentary of one another during the election, and we can presume Trump will seek some kind of accommodation with Russia on issues like Ukraine and sanctions.

However, the Kremlin should be careful what it wishes for.听Trump will find it hard to radically reorient U.S. foreign policy and sever听longstanding commitments to American allies. At some point, U.S. and Russian interests may openly diverge, and Putin and Trump could engage in a clash of Alpha males for dominance in the relationship. Needless听to say, this could lead to disaster for both countries.

Europeans worry over NATO defense, unraveling of relations with west

By , associate professor, director of the

November 9 holds special meaning for Europeans, and Germans in particular. On November 9, 1938, Nazi gangs started a coordinated wave of deadly anti-Jewish attacks across Germany and Austria. On November 9, 1989, the Wall fell in Berlin and ushered in the end of the Cold War.

Now, after November 9, 2016, Europeans worry that they witness the unraveling of transatlantic relations and “the end of the West,” as a large tabloid put it. They hear President-elect Trump question the NATO defense shield over Europe. They see U.S. commitment to the Paris climate agreement vanish. And democratic parties fear that “Trumpism” will bolster rightwing populist sentiments across Europe.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel employed memorable language on November 9, 2016: “Germany and America are bound by common values 鈥� democracy, freedom, as well as respect for the rule of law and the dignity of each and every person, regardless of their origin, skin color, creed, gender, sexual orientation, or political views. It is based on these values that I wish to offer close cooperation, both with me personally and between our countries’ governments.”

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For more information, contact Monique Thormann, Jackson School director of communications, at 206-685-0578 or thormann@uw.edu.